These findings suggest that, if current scientific consensus is in error, it is likely because global climate disruption may be even worse than commonly expected to date. In one influential decision, for example, the Judge expressed the following view: [W]hile [the precautionary principle] may be framed appropriately for the purpose of a political aspiration, its implementation as a legal standard could have the potential to create interminable forensic argument. The hearings ended with the appointment of an expert committee, which reported several months later that more research was needed, particularly in regard to long‐term exposure (Kitman 2000). Given that the use of SCAMs in debates over global warming have led to what Freudenburg and Youn (1999) first called the “asymmetry of scientific challenge”—with evidence and conclusions pointing toward the presence of global warming being subjected to withering and well‐funded criticisms, while evidence and conclusions pointing toward the absence of global warming were more likely to be the focus of triumphant press releases—our perspective would predict that independent scientific findings in the years ahead will be more likely to conclude that actual levels of global warming are proving to be “higher than expected,” rather than being “lower than expected.”. The third and final section discusses implications, calling for further research to document the nature and extent of such patterns across a broader range of contexts. The Sociological Imagination Personified: Reflections on the Life, Scholarly Contributions and Professional Accomplishments of William R. Freudenburg. Initially, it was seen as one of the “landmark” environmental laws of the 1970s, along with the National Environmental Policy Act, Clean Water Act (1972), Endangered Species Act (1973), and Safe Drinking Water Act (1974). The 1999 “update” that remained on the EPA Web site in 2006 measured progress in terms of 21 Reregistration Eligibility Decisions (REDs) involving cancellations, deletions, or declarations of ineligibility for reregistration, but sources we consulted were able to name only one chemical that had actually been banned for consumer sales—Dursban, a Dow Chemical pesticide, technically known as chlorpyrifos—and it continued to be sold by Dow, under the name of “Lorsban,” for farm use. 274:3) was devoted to an analysis of the secret documents by Dr. Glantz and his colleagues (see also Glantz et al. Note that the decision depicts the agency as “conceding” the very point that social studies of science have repeatedly stressed, namely, that “scientific certainty is essentially impossible.” On the other hand, even though the Precautionary Principle required that such an absence of scientific certainty should not be taken as a reason to avoid regulatory action, the judge then took uncertainty as the reason to do just that. Three quarters of a century after the Bayway poisonings, Trumbo (2000a:199) noted that a study by the Iowa Department of Public Health produced “no conclusive resolution,” in either direction, regarding citizen concerns over a nuclear reactor in Ames, Iowa—but that the study actually reported only that cancer increases in the area were “not statistically significant.” Contrary to fears of overblown media reporting in the popular press, the Agency finding was dutifully reported in the local newspaper—not as an absence of findings, but under the headline of “Study Clears Neighborhood of Cancer Risk.”. In regulatory contexts as well, if every case where a regulation is actually imposed is taken as an indicator of a lack of business success, then it is clear that “business interests are often divided or defeated,” even where the available scientific evidence is ambiguous or incomplete. “Working the System”—British American Tobacco's Influence on the European Union Treaty and Its Implications for Policy: An Analysis of Internal Tobacco Industry Documents. 12 084019) Environmentalists’ grim assessments today stand in stark contrast to the views that held sway when TSCA was first passed. Targeting and tailoring climate change communications. A number of courts held that the principle thus conflicted with the “rule of law,” or an at least equally vague legal principle, holding that the law should be clear, coherent, and sufficiently “stable” so that people can comply with it (see, for example, the discussion in Finnis 1980; see also Craig 1997; Fallon 1997). The Drama of TSCA. This case, in short, reveals the effectiveness of SCAMs even in the face of some of the most extensive scientific certification and legitimation ever assembled. At least according to environmental groups (see, for example, Roe et al. Among other activities, cigarette makers and the industry “Research Committee” published a so‐called “Frank Statement” in full‐page newspaper ads, stating “We accept an interest in people's health as a basic responsibility, paramount to every other consideration in our business. First, there are basically just two ways in which a scientist can reach a false conclusion: “Type I” errors are created by accepting hypotheses that are ultimately shown to be wrong, whereas “Type II” errors are created by rejecting hypotheses that are ultimately shown to be true. When lead was first added to gasoline, the Surgeon General did write to “inquire whether there might not be a decided health hazard,” but the Public Health Service had few options except to rely on the industry for the answers. Challenges in Higher Education for Sustainability. In other contexts as well, the pattern is sufficiently common that a study from the Institute of Medicine (1991:177) once referred to “Ozonoff's working definition of a ‘catastrophe’ as an effect so large that even an epidemiological study can detect it” (with a citation to David Ozonoff, Boston University School of Public Health, pers.

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